Hands down, my favorite commercial of the Olympics so far–and in fact my favorite TV commercial of the last several years, in any context–is Nike’s “Find Your Greatness: Jogger” (The full transcript,and the one-minute video, are at that link.)

The entire video is an overweight kid running at the camera, starting quite some distance out. Working hard, but not being fazed.

When I saw it on TV, I thought it was an  60-something overweight man. Looking again, I see it’s a kid. But the message of empowerment is the same.

Especially when the voiceover says (in part),

Somehow we’ve come to believe that greatness is a gift reserved for a chosen few, for prodigies, for superstars, and the rest of us can only stand by watching.

You can forget that.

Greatness is not some rare DNA strand, not some precious thing. Greatness is no more unique to us than breathing.

As a somewhat overweight guy who will be 60 in five years–and who has lost 15 pounds since upping my daily exercise regime from 30 to 60 minutes, to 60 to 120 minutes. The ad resonates with me. And not a lot of ads do.

 

 

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I’m a long-time fan of Van Jones, and one of the things I love is that he can frame things in ways that those on the other side of the political continuum can relate to.

Too often, the left frames things in its own language (often couched in liberal guilt)—and the right dismisses us as silly and naive. Listen to minutes 30 to 35 of this speech to see how Van Jones puts the argument for going green into an issue of individual economic liberty, and turns the don’t-subsidize-solar argument into a compelling Tea-Party-friendly argument for ending oil subsidies (why doesn’t he talk aobut nuclear, which would not exist as an industry without subsidies?)

Later in the talk, he discusses solar and wind as farmer power, cowboy power, etc. And demonstrates that organic farming is traditional, and that we should return to our roots after a century of “poison-based agriculture.” And calls not for subsidy for green initiatives, but for green as entrepreneurship, enterprise, and job creation—arguments that both liberals and conservatives should relate to.

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Editor’s Note: If you ever doubt that one person can make a difference in the world, read this post. Carolyn Oppenheim wrote this beautiful tribute to her late husband, who died a few weeks ago. I knew Ward, as a friend, colleague, client, member of my Chavurah, and comrade in our social justice work. I asked Carolyn’s permission to share this as a guest post. For those who are local to Western Massachusetts, or who knew him, information about the September memorial is at the end.

 

Ward Morehouse 1929-2012

 

Ward Morehouse, 83, an internationally known human rights and anti-corporate activist, author, publisher, international educator, union activist, housebuilder, lover of dogs and children, died June 30 while swimming laps in a pond near his home in Northampton, Massachusetts.

He had a multifaceted 60-year career that spanned many fields — activism, writing and publishing, alternative economics, establishing “people’s law,” and civil disobedience against war — but were all connected by the thread of his passion for social justice and equality. In a 2003 article in UU World magazine, Kimberly French wrote that for activists around the world, he was “a high-energy eminence grise for the social justice cause and a deep thinker about the roots of the world’s ills.

Morehouse was internationally known mostly for his work against corporate assaults on human rights

He was one of the organizers of the International Campaign for Justice in Bhopal (ICJB) in 1985, shortly after the 1984 Union Carbide chemical spill that leftmore than 22,000 people dead, often called India’s Hiroshima. When Dow Chemical bought Union Carbide and did not clean up the lethal chemicals continuing to pollute Bhopal’s ground and water,it only confirmed Morehouse’s understanding that the core problem was to find a way to exert citizen control over corporations

He was a co-founder in 1994, with the late Richard Grossman, of POCLAD (Program on Corporations, Law and Democracy). Many of Morehouse’s essays are included in the standard introductory book for anti-corporate activism, Defying Corporations, Defining Democracy: A Book of History and Strategy. Grossman once described Morehouse as “the most unpretentious person I know. He either keeps his ego in check or he doesn’t have one. He truly cares about people and that is his great strength.” (Comments about Morehouse by other POCLAD colleagues are on the home page of POCLAD’s website.

Morehouse and Grossman and their POCLAD colleagues began conducting Rethinking Democracy Workshops in which they first coined the phrase “corporate personhood” that’s now at the core of the national movement to overturn the 2010 Supreme Court’s Citizen United decision that gave corporations furtherrights of persons in the law. (In 1995 they co-authored a publication in a National Lawyer’s Guild magazine calling for stripping corporations of rights the Supreme Court and Congress had already conferred on them.

In its Fall 2007 issue on “Standing up to Corporations“, Yes! Magazine wrote: “Ward Morehouse knows about corporate impunity. He has worked to bring Union Carbide to justice since 1984. . . . He failed. But along the way he learned that worrying about ‘good corporate citizenship’ is a diversion from the real task: exerting citizen control over corporations.

As Publisher of the Apex Press, he wrote: “We wrote the books on corporate personhood before it became a household word! Apex Press dissects the corporate impact on human rights, democracy, the environment, technology and economic & social justice. Some of our books are classics of alternative thinking, untainted by today’s corporate free speech (greenwashing).” The books got blurbs from thinkers like Howard Zinn, Jim Hightower, Pete Seeger, Vandana Shiva, Amitai Etzioni, Maude Barlow, Paolo Freire, Noam Chomsky, and Paul R. Ehrlich, among others

With the Press, Morehouse created the Bhopal Library, a collection of books revealing the evolving understanding of the meaning of the Bhopal. He co-authored The Bhopal Reader in 2004, a tool for activists and history of the 22-year struggle. The New York Times reviewed his 1986 book The Bhopal Tragedy, a citizens commission report. Morehouse and co-author Arun Subramian called for Union Carbide to pay victims and their families over 20 or 30 years

Apex published books under a variety of imprints: the Wayward Press, the Bootstrap Press, and others. He also co-published books with his Indian colleague, Claude Alvares, a renowned environmentalist based in Goa, and the editor of the Other India Press, an alternative publication based in India.

Morehouse wrote or edited some 20 books, including Building Sustainable Communities, The Bhopal Tragedy, Abuse of Power: The Social Performance of Multinational Corporations, Worker Empowerment in a Changing Economy, and The Underbelly of the U.S. Economy (all available at Apex Press, which the social science publishing house Rowman & Littlefield purchased in 2011)

One of Morehouse’s long-time colleagues, whom he met in India, was the noted activist Vandana Shiva, who wrote about him after his death:

“Ward Morehouse was someone with whom I have walked many journeys. In the late ’70s and early ’80s we we’re deeply involved in interdisciplinary work on Science and Technology Policy. After the Union Carbide disaster in Bhopal we worked in our own ways on justice for Bhopal victims. The struggle continues because the New York courts have let Carbide, now owned by Dow, off the hook. We were together to join the women of Plachimada [India] who were fighting to shut down the Coca Cola Plant which had mined and polluted their water, forcing them to walk miles for drinking water. Ward had identified corporate rule as a threat to democracy years before others woke up to the dangers. Our beloved Ward was a gentle giant who laid the foundations of the most important movements of our times.

Morehouse was the first chair of TOES North America, founded the U.S. in 1988. The first Other Economic Summit (TOES)was held in 1984 in London, a counter-summit to the annual G7 summits. It included diverse groups of economists, greens and community activists. TOES eventually became an umbrella term and similar meetings were organized in the U.S. and around the world. Morehouse was a regular activist and organizer of TOES counter-conferences. TOES’s major ongoing activity is a yearly forum/exposition held in conjunction with the annual meeting of the world’s leading industrial countries — the U.S., Canada, Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Japan

He befriended British economist E. F. Schumacher, author of the seminal book Small Is Beautiful: Economics As If People Mattered, and became involved with a the group of British economists critical of Western economics who proposed human-scale, decentralized technologies and formed the Intermediate Technology Development Group. Morehouse edited and wrote “Causes of Economic Breakdown: A Handbook – Tools for Economic Change.” He later expanded and republished it in Building Sustainable Communities: Tools and Concepts for Self-Reliant Economic Change.

Morehouse became disgusted with Western colonial efforts to use science to help Third World development. In a September 6, 1979, NewYork Times op-ed column called The Vienna Syndrome, Morehouse bemoaned the $50 million spent on a conference that resulted in nothing but talk and agendas for more conferences to talk

Morehouse was member of the regular panel of jurists for the Permanent People’s Tribunal headquartered in Rome and begun by Bertrand Russell during the Vietnam War. In 1996, after the session of Permanent People’s Tribunal on Industrial Hazards and Human Rights in Bhopal, the “Charter on Industrial Hazards and Human Rights” was adopted. He was also the lead organizer of the Global People’s Tribunal on Corporate Crimes against Humanity at the 1999 Seattle World Trade Organization meetings, and was arrested for attempting to serve citizen arrest warrants on the major industrialized countries’ trade ministers. In 2000, he helped organize the Tribunal on Transnational Corporations and Human Rights at the University of Warwick in the U.K. In 2004 he organized a Symposium on People’s Law at the World Social Forum in Mumbai, India. He was also Chief Organizer, People’s Tribunal on Corporate Crimes against Humanity, US Social Forum, Atlanta, 2007

On the domestic front, Morehouse was co-author with David Dembo of a quarterly series of reports called The Underbelly of the US Economy in the 1980s to 2000, documenting officially uncounted joblessness and what he termed “pauperization of work.” Before the current discussion of the 1 per cent and the 99 per cent, he wrote about the 400 richest individuals and 82 wealthiest familiesin the country controlling 40 per cent of all industrial capital

He was also a consultant to various United Nations agencies, including UNESCO on East-West issues, UNIDO (United Nations Industrial Development Organization), UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development), and the Centre on Transnational Corporations. He also developed expertise in small technologies for Third World development and consulted to United Nations agencies. He published many papers on this subject in a wide variety of venues.

In his earlier career, Morehouse was an academic. He taught Political Science at New York University and was a Visiting Professor at the University Lund in Sweden and at the Administrative Staff College of India in Hyderabad, then was director of international education for the State University of New York from 1963 to 1976. During this time he set up education programs in India for teachers, Indian and American, and published textbooks on a variety of areas of the world to help U.S. students understand international people “through their own eyes,” as he said. The evolved into “The Eyes Series,” later published by the Apex Press and still available on its website. His disillusionment with academia drove him into activism

In a controversy over his work that erupted into the mainstream media the year after President Nixon opened relations with China, Sen. James Buckley of New York called for Morehouse’s removal for bringing a Communist scholar to the University who had lived through the Chinese Cultural Revolution. In a Newsweek article (Jan. 22, 1973) entitled “Red Star Over Albany,” Morehouse said, “Usually we seek an individual who helps us see the society as it sees itself.” The following year, in 1974, his former Yale University classmate William F. Buckley Jr. (and brother of the senator), also called for Morehouse’s resignation in the National Review

In l976 Morehouse left on his own and went back to base his work at the Council on International and Public Affairs in New York City, a nonprofit human rights organization he had founded in l954. The ApexPress eventually became the publishing organ for projects CIPA helped incubate: the Bhopal campaign, the POCLAD work, environmental issues of sustainability, small technologies for third world countries, and humanistic economics

Morehouse came by his union identification honestly. Active in the occupational safety and health movement, he unionized the workers at CIPA and wasa member of United Steel Workers Local 4-149 (Chief Steward of Bargaining Unit). His union local was formerly part of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union (OCAW) whose leader, Tony Mazzocchi, was known as the Rachel Carson of the American workplace. Morehouse allied himself with Mazzochi’s campaign to link the scientific and public health communities with workers and unions to create the modern occupational safety and health movement

Morehouse’s family has a legacy of involvement with social issues and intellectual accomplishments. He admired his grandfather Richard T. Ely, a famous political economist, author, and a leader of the Progressive Movement who called for more government intervention in order to reform what progressives perceived as the injustices of capitalism, especially regarding factory conditions, compulsory education, child labor, and labor unions. Ely became embroiled in a battle involving academic freedom when the regents at the University of Wisconsin tried to remove his tenure. In 1894 an unsuccessful attempt was made to depose him from his chair for purportedly teaching socialistic doctrines. This effort failed, with the Wisconsin state Board of Regents issuing a ringing proclamation in favor of academic freedom, acknowledging the necessity for freely “sifting and winnowing” among competing claims of truth

His father, Edward Ward Morehouse, an academic protege of Ely’s, was also a progressive political economist focusing on public utilities, such as the Tennessee Valley Authority.

His aunt, Elinore Morehouse Herrick target=”_blank”, was appointed by Frances Perkins, Secretary of Labor for President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, as theRegional Director of the National Labor Relations Board in the New York-New Jersey-Connecticut area for the years 1934-1942. Later she worked for The New York Herald-Tribune and her speeches, articles, book reviews, and editorials are all archived at the Schlesinger Library at Harvard University

Morehouse’s first wife was Cynthia Thomas, granddaughter of the noted restaurateur John R. Thompson, developer of one of the earliest fast food restaurant chains. The couple lived for 44 years in Croton-on-Hudson, N.Y. She worked as a freelance copy editor and as Editor and Production Supervisor for The Apex Press. In the 1960s and 1970s she served as librarian at the Educational Resources Center in New Delhi, India, founded by Morehouse,and as a bibliographer at the Administrative Staff College in Hyderabad, also in India, and at the University of Lund in Sweden. She was the editor of the International Directory of Youth Internships. She died in 2000

In 2003 Morehouse married Carolyn Toll Oppenheim, a former reporter for The Chicago Tribune and The Chicago Sun-Times. After moving to Western Massachusetts, they together founded Shays 2 (the Western Mass. Committee on Corporations and Democracy) doing POCLAD work of educating about democracy and corporate personhood at the local level. True to his affinity with labor, Morehouse brought Shays 2 into the Western Mass. Jobs with Justice Coalition. He was the senior member of its Workers’ Rights Board.

A third generation Unitarian — his paternal grandfather Daniel Webster Morehouse was a Unitarian minister — Morehouse became active in the Living Wage campaign of the <https://www.uunorthampton.org/>Unitarian-Universalist Society of Florence and Northampton, Mass. (With his first wife Cynthia and a few other couples, he had been a founding member of the Unitarian Universalist Fellowship of Briarcliff, Croton and Ossining.)

Morehouse leaves his wife Carolyn, two sons, John and Andrew, seven granddaughters, three great-grandchildren, two step-daughters and three step-grandchildren, and a sister, Nancy M. Gordon of Amherst, Mass., two nephews and one niece, and one lab-mix dog called Zen. Zen follows a long line of Morehouse dogs who sat by him in his book-filled studies in Croton, India, Western Massachusetts and Maine. He is known by many names: Dad, Grandpa, Bapu, and Poppa

Morehouse didn’t just write about labor, he did it. He leaves a beautiful waterfront cabin that he built with his sons and grandchildren in Vinalhaven, Maine. His home of more than 45 years in Croton was mostly built by him and his family. In the 1970s he built a family “camp” in Northern Maine — and a writing cabin for himself. During the l980s he earned money by retrofitting houses to be more energy efficient, working with his son John and daughter-in-law Frances. His applied his principles of small-scale technologies, sustainability and self-sufficiency to his own life

His two sons are the Rev. John T. Morehouse, lead minister at the Pacific Unitarian Church, Rancho Palos Verdes, CA; and Andrew Morehouse, executive director of the Food Bank of Western Massachusetts.

Memorial Service and Celebration of a Life for Ward Morehouse 1929–2012

Memorial Service

Saturday, Sept. 29, 11:00 a.m.   Unitarian Universalist Society,  220 Main Street, Northampton, MA

Celebration

Reveille From a Radical: Songs, Stories and Food in Celebration of Ward Morehouse’s Life and Mission

Saturday, Sept. 29, 1:30 p.m.   Northampton Friends Meeting , 43 Center Street, Second Floor, Northampton, MA

Bring  stories of Ward. Please RSVP to Carolyn at 413 584 0722 or <mailto:ctollopp@gmail.com>ctollopp@gmail.com so we have an idea in advance of how much food we need and how many people will want to speak. However, in true Quaker style,  people may share as the spirit moves them.

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It is less than six months until the US elections for President, House of Representatives,and one-third of the Senate.

A year ago, seeing the level of hate and vitriol against Obama from the ultra-right, and the paralysis of government, I was pretty convinced that the Republicans would win easily. Now, however, I think Obama will prevail, at least if the votes are counted accurately and the voters are allowed to vote (both of them BIG ifs, in the wake of anti-vote legislation and the near-unanimous adoption of vote-counting techniques that are entirely too easy to rig, as we saw in Florida in 2000 and Ohio in 2004).

What’s changed?

  • The other candidates have been making very cogent arguments against Romney; the Republicans have given Obama plenty of ammunition.
  • Romney himself is the most clueless major-party US presidential candidate I can remember, constantly putting his foot in his mouth, constantly shifting positions, and failing to convince pretty much anybody of his sincerity, his integrity, his ability to relate to common people, or even his basic competence. It’s almost as if he were coached by Dan Quayle and Sarah Palin.
  • The Occupy (a/k/a 99%) movement has focused long-overdue attention on class issues, while Romney has cheerfully embraced his fellow one-percenters.
  • The Republican Party as a whole, with Romney’s open support, has made it clear that their tent is not big enough to hold unemployed people, Latinos, women’s reproductive rights supporters, gays and lesbians, or students—or even moderate Republicans (just ask Senator Richard Lugar). Obama has opened his arms to these constituencies. If the Democrats can get all those folks to show up and vote, they win.
  • It is painfully obvious that Washington’s political gridlock is the Republican Party’s doing. They’ve been dubbed “the party of no” for good reason. People are sick and tired of the constant obstructionism and of the specifically stated goal of Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell: “Our top political priority is to deny President Obama a second term.” Not exactly an appropriate priority for a country still struggling with a deep recession, two major and several minor wars, crises in healthcare and education, and all the rest.
  • Nobody likes a bunch of name-calling whining bullies. Instead of proposing actual solutions to our country’s problems, the Republicans have race-baited, religion-baited, called him a socialist (for goodness sake—Richard Nixon has a more progressive record!) and a Muslim, and all the rest of the ridiculous Big Lie nonsense.
  • While Obama’s accomplishments are smaller in number and far more centrist than they need to be, he can point to some real strides: The economy is better, Osama Bin Laden is neutralized, Don’t Ask Don’t Tell s justifiably buried, two terrific Supreme Court Justices have been appointed (we need one more to replace one of the four on the extreme right), and something vaguely resembling healthcare reform actually got passed, where every other president since FDR failed.
  • The right cannot attack Obama on the places he’s most vulnerable: personal liberty, an absurd faith in nuclear power, failure to keep his promises on renewable energy, and an inability to get us out of all these wars—because Obama’s positions on all these issues pretty much are the Republican positions.
  • And finally, even if they totally forgot to do the necessary organizing to pass his agenda, Obama’s campaign knows a whole lot about social media and community organizing. This provided the edge in 2008, and could do so again if the Dems can convince young voters especially that they haven’t sold them out, and that the kind of change they voted for in ’08 may be difficult to achieve, but it would be impossible under Romney.

Still, the Democrats cannot and should not take victory for granted, and they have to make sure to pick up seats in Congress as well.

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After more than a week of traveling in Ireland and Northern Ireland, here’s some of what I notice:

  • Fairly high public awareness in general terms, but it doesn’t necessarily translate to behavior.
  • Wind power plays a significant role. It’s common to see large wind turbines (as in much of the rest of Europe), thouh for the most part in small clusters of one to five, rather than in the vast wind farms of say, Spain—and also to see older, smaller  private installations on individual farms, of the sort that were common on US farms in the late 1970s.
  • Solar’s role is minimal. I have seen exactly one rooftop solar hot water installation, and the only places I’ve seen photovoltaic have been on self-powered electronic highway signs. Of course, it’s not the sunniest place in the world; an Italian immigrant told us, “in Ireland, they call this a beautiful day. In Italy, we would call it a disaster.”  But there must be more than is obvious, because we passed quite a number of solar businesses, even in some pretty rural areas.
  • Fair trade has a lot of currency here, and you can find a fair number of fair trade items not only in specialty stores and supermarkets, but even at gas station convenience stores.
  • Big cities have some limited public recycling in the major commercial and tourist areas. I imagine there are recycling programs for households, too.
  • On the campus of the technical college we visited, environmental awareness was quite high. This school is also about to launch a degree program in sustainability and one in agriculture, yet they haven’t explored the obvious linkages between those two program offerings—in part because they’re slotted for different campus, 50 miles apart.
  • To my shock, the small conference center we stayed at in rural Donegal was still using energy-hogging incandescent light bulbs.
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Editor’s Note: I’ve long been a fan of Van Jones and was really upset when he was forced out of the White House. This is such a good analysis that I asked him permission to post it on my site and blog. -Shel Horowitz, primary author, Guerrilla Marketing Goes Green

The Age of Obama: What Went Wrong (and How to Fix It)

Van Jones reflects on his time in-and out of-the White House.

by Van Jones posted Mar 29, 2012 at https://www.yesmagazine.org/people-power/the-age-of-obama-what-went-wrong-and-how-to-fix-it – used with permission.

This article is adapted from Rebuild the Dream, Van Jones’ new book.

The 2008 campaign was a campfire around which millions gathered. But after the election, it was nobody’s job or role to tend that campfire. The White House was focused on the minutiae of passing legislation, not on the magic of leading a movement. Obama For America did the best that it could, but the mass gatherings, the idealism, the expanded notions of American identity, the growing sense of a new national community, all of that disappeared.

It goes without saying that clear thinking and imaginative problem solving are easier in hindsight, away from the battlefield. I was in the White House for six months of 2009, and I was outside of it afterward. I had some of the above insights at the time, but many did not come to me in the middle of the drama and action. Most are the product of deeper reflection, which I was able to do only from a distance.

Nonetheless, the exercise of trying to sort out what might have been and trying to understand why nobody was able to make those things happen in real time has informed this book and shaped my arguments going forward.

I say Obama relied on the people too little, and we tried to rely on him too much.

Let me speak personally: looking back, I do not think those of us who believed in the agenda of change had to get beaten as badly as we were, after Obama was sworn in. We did not have to leave millions of once-inspired people feeling lost, deceived, and abandoned. We did not have to let our movement die down to the level that it did.

The simple truth is this: we overestimated our achievement in 2008, and we underestimated our opponents in 2009.

We did not lose because the backlashers got so loud. We lost because the rest of us got so quiet. Too many of us treated Obama’s inauguration as some kind of finish line, when we should have seen it as just the starting line. Too many of us sat down at the very moment when we should have stood up.

Among those who stayed active, too many of us (myself included) were in the suites when we should have been in the streets. Many “repositioned” our grassroots organizations to be “at the table” in order to “work with the administration.” Some of us (like me) took roles in the government. For a while at least, many were so enthralled with the idea of being a part of history that we forgot the courage, sacrifices, and risks that are sometimes required to make history.

That is hard, scary, and thankless work. It requires a willingness to walk with a White House when possible-and to walk boldly ahead of that same White House, when necessary. A few leaders were willing to play that role from the very beginning, but many more were not. Too many activists reverted to acting like either die-hard or disappointed fans of the president, not fighters for the people.

The conventional wisdom is that Obama went too far to the left to accommodate his liberal base. In my view, the liberal base went too far to the center to accommodate Obama. The conventional wisdom says that Obama relied on Congress too much. I say Obama relied on the people too little, and we tried to rely on him too much. Once it became obvious that he was committed to bipartisanship at all costs, even if it meant chasing an opposition party that was moving further to the right every day, progressives needed to reassess our strategies, defend our own interests, and go our own way. It took us way too long to internalize this lesson- and act upon it.

The independent movement for hope and change, which had been growing since 2003, was a goose that was laying golden eggs. But the bird could not be bossed. Caging it killed it. It died around conference tables in Washington, DC, long before the Tea Party got big enough to kick its carcass down the street.

The administration was na?Øve and hubristic enough to try to absorb and even direct the popular movement that had helped to elect the president. That was part of the problem. But the main problem was that the movement itself was na?Øve and enamored enough that it wanted to be absorbed and directed. Instead of marching on Washington, many of us longed to get marching orders from Washington. We so much wanted to be a part of something beautiful that we forgot how ugly and difficult political change can be. Somewhere along the line, a bottom-up, largely decentralized phenomenon found itself trying to function as a subcomponent of a national party apparatus. Despite the best intentions of practically everyone involved, the whole process wound up sucking the soul out of the movement.

As a result, when the backlash came, the hope-and- changers had no independent ground on which to stand and fight back. Grassroots activists had little independent ability to challenge the White House when it was wrong and, therefore, a dwindling capacity to defend it when it was right.

The Obama administration had the wrong theory of the movement, and the movement had the wrong theory of the presidency. In America, change comes when we have two kinds of leaders, not just one. We need a president who is willing to be pushed into doing the right thing, and we need independent leaders and movements that are willing to do the pushing. For a few years, Obama’s supporters expected the president to act like a movement leader, rather than a head of state.

The confusion was understandable: As a candidate, Obama performed many of the functions of a movement leader. He gave inspiring speeches, held massive rallies, and stirred our hearts. But when he became president, he could no longer play that role.

The expectation that he would or could arose from a fundamental misreading of U.S. history. After all, as head of state, President Lyndon Johnson did not lead the civil rights movement. That was the job of independent movement leaders, such as Martin Luther King Jr., Ella Baker, Bayard Rustin, and Fannie Lou Hamer. There were moments of conflict and cooperation between Johnson and leaders in the freedom struggle, but the alchemy of political power and people power is what resulted in the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

As head of state, Franklin Delano Roosevelt did not lead the labor movement. That was the job of independent union leaders. Again, the alchemy of political power and people power resulted in the New Deal. As head of state, Woodrow Wilson did not lead the fight to enfranchise women. That was the role of independent movement leaders, such as suffragettes Susan B. Anthony and Ida B. Wells. The alchemy of political power and people power resulted in women’s right to vote. As head of state, Abraham Lincoln did not lead the abolitionists. That was the job of independent movement leaders Frederick Douglass, John Brown, and Harriet Tubman. The alchemy of political power and people power resulted in the emancipation of enslaved Africans. As head of state, Richard Nixon did not lead the environmental movement. That was the job of various environmental organizations, such as the Sierra Club, and other leaders, like those whom writer Rachel Carson inspired. Once again it was the alchemy of political power and people power that resulted in the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act, and the Environmental Protection Agency

The biggest reason for our frustrations and failures is that we have not yet understood that both of these are necessary-and they are distinct. We already have our head of state who arguably is willing to be pushed. We do not yet have a strong enough independent movement to do the pushing. The bulk of this book makes the case for how and why we should build one.

Van Jones adapted this article for YES! Magazine, a national, nonprofit media organization that fuses powerful ideas with practical actions, from his new book, Rebuild the Dream. Van Jones, a former contributing editor to YES! Magazine and a former adviser to President Obama, is the co-founder of Rebuild the Dream, a platform for bottom-up, people-powered innovations to help fix the U.S. economy. He is also the co-founder of the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights, Color of Change, and Green for All.

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As a favor to one of my travel writers, posting his call for submissions. This is not what I usually publish and please don’t flood me with requests.

“ROTTEN VACATIONS,” a new upcoming paperback literary travel annual, edited by John M. Edwards, Bruce Northam, and (maybe) Tony Perottet, is accepting submissions for its “second” issue. Please send your essays about bad trips (no e-mail queries, except if you have an incredible “idear”) via regular mail to: JOHN M. EDWARDS: Rotten Vacations, editor: The Archstone: 250 W. 50th St. #15L, New York, NY 10019: 212.219.8126: pigafet@earthlink.net. We prefer foreign over domestic, but USA pieces are acceptable as long as they don’t involve inconvenient car trips with crying kids. Send only your best, immaculately edited, narrative essays, along with photos (if you have any) and a 100 word bio. No deadlines and no reading fees, although a helping donation of $10-20 donation assures contributors that we will take your submission seriously, and larger donations may even land your name in print in the acknowledgments. . . .

A shopping surprise in Australia

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Want to buy a scientist?

When you find a scientist who claims to show that human-caused catastrophic climate change either isn’t real or isn’t a problem or doesn’t really exist, you usually find a money trail leading to one of the worst polluters (usually, oil giant ExxonMobil, sometimes, petrochemical magnates and right-wing darlings Koch brothers).

But ultra-right-wing think-tanks play in this sandbox too. Friday, TriplePundit posted leaked secret anti-climate-change strategy documents from Heartland Institute; they actually have the chutzpah to put $100,000 toward developing a K-12 school curriculum to

…show that the topic of climate change is controversial and uncertain – two key points that are effective at dissuading teachers from teaching science.

Oh yes, and they’ve also set aside $18,000 a monthly to fund pundits who present the climate-change-is-not-a-problem viewpoint.

Hmm, that sounds a lot like the attempts by creationists to throttle the study of evolution and biology. When science can’t back up your position, influence young kids with the Big Lie technique that was so beloved by Nazi propagandists. And the get television news commentators to present a “fair and balanced” approach, pitting your purchased experts against objective scientists as if they were equally credible, and sow doubt in the public mind.

To climate skeptics, I say “look out the window.” In my own area of Western Massachusetts alone, we’ve experienced the following just since June 1:

None of these events are the normal weather pattern around here.

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The US Department of Labor has asked me to put them in touch with people in the US who can help them define the brand new category of green marketers. If you have at least two years green marketing experience and five years in either marketing or sustainability, you can help:
If you’d like to participate, please email or call Traci Davis (tdavis@onet.rti.org or 877-233-7348 ext 109) and provide the following:
Name:
Daytime Phone number:
Mailing Address/State:
Email address:
Total years of experience:
Traci Davis at the O*NET Operations Center at Research Triangle Institute will respond when you volunteer, and will provide further details

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